During the adolescence, the development of political ideology becomes apparent in the individual; ideology here is defined as the presence of roughly consistent attitudes, more or less organized in reference to a more encompassing, though perhaps tacit, set of general principles. As such, political ideology is dim or absent at the beginning of adolescence. Its acquisition by the adolescent, in even the most modest sense, requires the acquisition of relatively sophisticated cognitive skills: the ability to manage abstractness, to synthesize and generalize, to imagine the future. These arc accompanied by a steady advance in the ability to understand principles.
The child’s rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence. By knowledge I mean more than the dreary “facts”, such as the composition of county government, that the child is exposed to in the conventional ninth-grade civics course. Nor do I mean only information on current political realities. These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can “appropriately” demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the “proper” relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches. Thus, political knowledge is the awareness of social assumptions and relationships as well as of objective facts. Much of the naivete that characterizes the younger adolescent’s grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of “facts” but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.
Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology. Over the years I have become progressively disenchanted about the centrality of such knowledge and have come to believe that much current work in political socialization, by relying too heavily on its apparent acquisition, has been misled about the tempo of political understanding in adolescence. Just as young children can count members in series without grasping the principle of ordination, young adolescents may have in their heads many random bits of political information without a secure understanding of those concepts that would give order and meaning to the information.
Like magpies, children’s minds pick up bits and pieces of data. If you encourage them, they will drop these at your feet — republicans and Democrats, the tripartite division of the federal system, perhaps even the capital of Massachusetts. But until the adolescent has grasped the encompassing function that concepts and principles provide, the data remain fragmented, random, disordered.
1.The author’s primary purpose in the passage is to（ ）.
2.According to the author, which of the following contributes to the development of political ideology during adolescence?
3.The passage suggests that, during early adolescence, a child would find which of the following most difficult to understand?
4.It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statement about schools?
5.Which of the following best summarizes the author’s evaluation of the accumulation of political knowledge by adolescents?
6.Which of the following statements best describes the organization of the author’s discussion of the role of political knowledge in the formation of political ideology during adolescence?
问题1选项
A.explain why adolescents are generally uninterested in political arguments
B.dispute the theory that a political ideology can be acquired during adolescence
C.clarify the kinds of understanding an adolescent must have in order to develop a political ideology
D.explain why an adolescent’s political ideology usually appears more sophisticated than it actually is
问题2选项
A.Conscious recognition by the adolescent of his or her own naivete.
B.Thorough comprehension of the concept of ordination.
C.Rejection of abstract reasoning in favor of involvement with pragmatic situations.
D.Intuitive understanding of relationships among various components of society.
问题3选项
A.A book chronicling the ways in which the presidential inauguration ceremony has changed over the years.
B.A debate in which the participants argue, respectively, that the federal government should or should not support private schools.
C.A summary of the respective responsibilities of the legislative, executive, and judicial branches of government.
D.An article detailing the specific religious groups that founded American colonies and the guiding principles of each one.
问题4选项
A.They should present political information according to carefully planned, schematic arrangements.
B.They themselves constitute part of a general sociopolitical system that adolescents are learning to understand.
C.If they were to introduce political subject matter in the primary grades, students would understand current political realities at an earlier age.
D.Because they are subsidiary to government, their contribution to the political understanding of adolescent must be limited.
问题5选项
A.It is unquestionably necessary, but its significance can easily be overestimated.
B.It is important, but not as important as is the ability to appear knowledgeable.
C.It delays the necessity of considering underlying principles.
D.It is primarily relevant to an understanding of limited, local concerns, such as country politics.
问题6选项
A.He acknowledges its importance, but then modifies his initial assertion of that importance.
B.He consistently resists the idea that it is important, using a series of examples to support his stand.
C.He wavers in evaluating it and finally uses analogies to explain why he is indecisive.
D.He carefully refrains from making an initial judgment about it, but later confirms its critical role.
第1题:C
第2题:D
第3题:B
第4题:B
第5题:A
第6题:A
1.作者意图题。根据文章第二段第四句，“These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can ‘appropriately’ demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the ‘proper’ relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches.”，这些都是知识的方面，但与青少年对政治体系中许多不言而喻的假设的理解相比，他们显得没那么关键，比如国家可以对公民提出什么适当的要求，反之亦然，或者政府与附属社会机构（如学校和教堂）之间的适当关系。可判断出本文的主要内容旨在阐明青少年必须具备哪些理解能力才能形成一种政治意识形态。选项C符合题意。
2.判断推理题。根据文章第二段，“These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can ‘appropriately’ demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the ‘proper’ relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches.”，这些都是知识的方面，但与青少年对政治体系中许多不言而喻的假设的理解相比，他们显得没那么关键，比如国家可以对公民提出什么适当的要求，反之亦然，或者政府与附属社会机构（如学校和教堂）之间的适当关系。可判断出对社会各组成部分之间关系的直观性理解才有利于青少年政治意识形态的形成。选项D符合题意。
3.判断推理题。根据文章第二段，“Much of the naiveté that characterizes the younger adolescent’s grasp of politics stems not from an ignorance of ‘facts’ but from an incomplete comprehension of the common conventions of the system, of what is and not customarily done, and of how and why it is or is not done.”，青少年对政治的无知，在很大程度上并非源于对事实的无知，而是源于不完全理解共同的制度惯例、习惯上该做什么和不该做什么，以及这些事情该如何处理应对，做与不做的原因何在。所以可以判断出青少年对于应该或不应该做某事的决策的理解是最困难的。选项B符合题意。
4.判断推理题。根据文章第二段，“These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding, for example, what the state can ‘appropriately’ demand of its citizens, and vice versa, or the ‘proper’ relationship of government to subsidiary social institutions, such as the schools and churches.”，这些都是知识的方面，但与青少年对政治体系中许多不言而喻的假设的理解相比，他们显得没那么关键，比如国家可以对公民提出什么适当的要求，反之亦然，或者政府与附属社会机构（如学校和教堂）之间的适当关系。可判断出学校构成了青少年正在学习理解的一般社会政治体系的一部分。选项B符合题意。
5.判断推理题。根据文章第二段，“The child’s rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence.”，儿童对政治知识的快速习得可以促进青少年时期政治意识形态的成长。所以作者肯定政治知识对于青少年政治意思形态成长的作用。又根据文章第三段，“Yet I do not want to overemphasize the significance of increased political knowledge in forming adolescent ideology.”，作者不想过分强调增加政治知识对形成青少年意识形态的重要性。可判断出在作者看来青少年对政治知识的积累无疑是必要的，但其重要性很容易被高估。选项A符合题意。
6.判断推理题。根据文章第二段，“The child’s rapid acquisition of political knowledge also promotes the growth of political ideology during adolescence.”，作者肯定政治知识对于青少年政治意识形态成长的作用。又根据下文“These are facets of knowledge, but they are less critical than the adolescent’s absorption, often unwitting, of a feeling for those many unspoken assumptions about the political system that comprise the common ground of understanding...”，那些政治知识只是知识的方面，但与青少年对政治体系中许多不言而喻的假设的理解相比，他们显得没那么关键。可判断出作者对于政治知识在青少年政治意识形态形成中的作用的观点发生了转变，一开始承认它的重要性，但随后改变了他最初对其重要性的断言。选项A符合题意。
