(1) The sources of anti-Christian feeling were many and complex. On the more intangible side, there was a general pique against the unwanted intrusion of the Western countries; there was an understandable tendency to seek an external scapegoat for internal disorders only tangentially attributable to the West and perhaps most important, there was a virile tradition of ethnocentricism, vented long before against Indian Buddhism, which since the seventeenth century, focused on Western Christianity. Accordingly, even before the missionary movement really got under way in the mid-nineteenth century, it was already at a disadvantage. After 1860, as missionary activity in the hinterland expanded, it quickly became apparent that in addition to the intangibles, numerous tangible grounds for Chinese hostility abounded.
(2) In part, the very presence of the missionary evoked attack, they were, after all, the first foreigners to leave the treaty ports and venture into the interior, and for a long time they were virtually the only foreigners whose quotidian labors carried them to the farthest reaches the Chinese empire. For many of the indigenous population, therefore, the missionary stood as a uniquely visible symbol against which opposition to foreign intrusion could be vented. In part, too, the missionary was attacked because the manner in which he made his presence felt after 1860 seemed almost calculated to offend. By indignantly waging battle against the notion that China was the sole fountainhead of civilization and, more particularly, by his assault on many facets of Chinese culture, the missionary directly undermined the cultural hegemony of the gentry class. Also, in countless ways, he posed a threat to the gentry’s traditional monopoly of social leadership. Missionaries, particularly Catholics, frequently, assumed the garb of the Confucian literati. They were the only persons at the local level, aside from the gentry who were permitted to communicate with the authorities as social equals, and they enjoyed an extraterritorial status in the interior that gave them greater immunity to Chinese law than had ever been possessed by the gentry.
(3) Although it was the avowed policy of the Chinese government after 1860 that the new treaties were to be strictly adhered to, in practice implementation depended on the wholehearted accord provincial authorities. There is abundant evidence that cooperation was dilatory. At the root of this lay the interactive nature of ruler and ruled.
(4) In a severely understaffed bureaucracy that ruled as much by suasion as by might, the official, almost always a stranger in the locality of his service, depended on the active cooperation of the local gentry class. Energetic attempts to implement treaty provisions concerning missionary activities, in direct defiance of gentry sentiment, ran the risk of alienating this class and destroying future effectiveness.
36. In a vague way, anti-Christian feeling stemmed from( ).
37. The author would agree that( ).
38. With which of the following statements would the author agree?
39. Missionaries( ).
40. Provincial authorities( ).
问题1选项
A.the mere presence of invaders
B.a generalized unfocused feeling
C.the introduction to the West
D.none of the above
问题2选项
A.many problems in China came from internal disorders due to W eastern influence.
B.many problems in China came from China itself and were unrelated to the West.
C.scapegoats perform a necessary function and there should be more of them.
D.all of the above are true.
问题3选项
A.Ethnocentricism is a manly tradition.
B.The disdain toward Christianity was prefigured by a disdain toward Buddhism.
C.Although Christianity was not well received in China, Buddhism was.
D.The author would agree with A and C.
问题4选项
A.often dressed the same way as Chinese scholars did
B.were free of the legal constraints that bound the local indigenous population
C.had greater access to authority than Chinese peasants
D.may be described by all of the above
问题5选项
A.cooperated fully with the central government’s policy
B.were alive to local feelings
C.were obliged to determine whether local sentiment tolerated implementation
D.may be described by B and C.
第1题:B
第2题:B
第3题:A
第4题:D
第5题:D
36.【试题答案】B
【试题解析】推理判断题。题干意思是“以一种模糊的方式来看,反基督教情绪来源于……”。根据文章第一段The sources of anti-Christian feeling were many and complex. On the more intangible side, there was a general pique against the unwanted intrusion of the Western countries; there was an understandable tendency to seek an external scapegoat for internal disorders only tangentially attributable to the West and perhaps most important, there was a virile tradition of ethnocentricism, vented long before against Indian Buddhism, which since the seventeenth century, focused on Western Christianity.(反基督教情绪的来源很多,而且很复杂。在更难以捉摸的方面,人们普遍对西方国家不必要的入侵感到不满;人们有一种可以理解的倾向,即为与西方影响无关的内部混乱寻找外部替罪羊。或许最重要的是,印度存在着一种强大的民族中心主义传统,早在反对印度佛教之前就有了,印度佛教从17世纪开始就关注西方基督教。)可知,在这里连续提到了三个反基督教的可能因素,可知这种反基督教的因素并不是单一的,也不是固定的,所以B项“一种普遍的、不集中的感觉”更符合题意。A项“入侵者的出现”和C项“西方的引进”只是其中一个因素;D项“以上都不是”错误。故该题选B。
37.【试题答案】B
【试题解析】推理判断题。题干意思是“作者可能会同意……”。根据第一段第二句there was an understandable tendency to seek an external scapegoat for internal disorders only tangentially attributable to the West(人们有一种可以理解的倾向,即为与西方影响无关的内部混乱寻找外部替罪羊)可知,中国内部的很多问题并不是西方因素引起的,因此B项“中国的许多问题都是中国自己造成的”符合题意。A项“中国的许多问题都是由于受西方的影响而产生的内乱,与西方无关”,内容与原文不符;C项“替罪羊发挥了必要的作用,应该有更多的替罪羊”文中没有提到替罪羊发挥了作用,该项错误;D项“以上都是正确的”错误。故该题选B。
38.【试题答案】A
【试题解析】推理判断题。题干意思是“作者可能会同意下列哪一个观点?”。根据第一段第二句there was a virile tradition of ethnocentricism, vented long before against Indian Buddhism (印度有一种强大的民族中心主义的男性传统,早在反对印度佛教之前就有了),这句话中的virile(男性的)等同于manly,所以A项“民族中心主义是男性的传统”正确。B项“对基督教的蔑视是以对佛教的蔑视为预兆的”,内容在文章并无体现,所以B项不选。根据against Indian Buddhism可知C项“虽然基督教在中国不太受欢迎,但佛教很受欢迎”错误。D项“作者同意A项和C项的观点”错误。故该题选A。
39.【试题答案】D
【试题解析】细节事实题。题干意思是“传教士……”。第二段最后两句提到Missionaries, particularly Catholics, frequently, assumed the garb of the Confucian literati. They were the only persons at the local level, aside from the gentry who were permitted to communicate with the authorities as social equals, and they enjoyed an extraterritorial status in the interior that gave them greater immunity to Chinese law than had ever been possessed by the gentry.(传教士,尤其是天主教徒,经常穿着儒家文人的服装。除了这些被允许与政府进行社会平等交流,在内地享有“治外法权”和享有更大的中国法律豁免权的绅士之外,他们是当地唯一享有这些的人。),由此可知A项“经常穿着和中国学者一样的衣服”,B项“摆脱了束缚当地土著居民的法律约束”和C项“比中国农民更容易获得权力”都有提及,所以D项“以上都可描述”正确。故该题选D。
40.【试题答案】D
【试题解析】推理判断题。题干意思是“省级政府……”。最后一段提到the official, almost always a stranger in the locality of his service, depended on the active cooperation of the local gentry class. Energetic attempts to implement treaty provisions concerning missionary activities, in direct defiance of gentry sentiment, ran the risk of alienating this class and destroying future effectiveness.(官员在他所管制的当地几乎总是一个陌生人,依靠当地绅士阶层的积极合作。在直接蔑视绅士情绪的情况下,积极地尝试执行条约规定有关传教活动会冒着疏远这个阶级和破坏其效果的风险。)可知这句话表达了官方对当地人的依赖和官方要是不顾当地人民的情绪,实行传道活动,就会有疏远当地人和破坏传道的效果的危害;所以我们可以推断官方关注当地人民的感觉,同时官方有义务去弄清楚人们是否可以容忍传道活动的进行。故B项“关心当地人的情感”和C项“有义务决定当地人情绪是否能容忍传道的实施”都正确。A项“充分配合中央政府的政策”,文章没有提到。因此D项“可以用B项和C项来描述”符合题意。故该题选D。