Some recent historians have argued that life in the British colonies in America from approximately 1763 to 1789 was marked by internal conflicts among colonists. Inheritors of some of the viewpoints of early twentieth-century. Progressive historians such as Beard and Becker, these recent historians have put forward arguments that deserve evaluation.
The kind of conflict most emphasized by these historians is class conflict. Yet with the Revolutionary War dominating these years, how does one distinguish class conflict within that larger conflict? Certainly not by the side a person supported. Although many of these historians have accepted the earlier assumption that Loyalists represented an upper class, new evidence indicates that Loyalists, like rebels, were drawn from all socioeconomic classes. (It is nonetheless probably true that a larger percentage of the well-to-do joined the Loyalists than joined the rebels.) Looking at the rebel side, we find little evidence for the contention that lower-class rebels were in conflict with upper-class rebels. Indeed, the war effort against Britain tended to suppress class conflicts. Where it did not, the disputing rebels of one or another class usually became Loyalists. Loyalism thus operated as a safety valve to remove socioeconomic discontent that existed among the rebels. Disputes occurred, of course, among those who remained on the rebel side, but the extraordinary social mobility of eighteenth-century American society (with the obvious exception of slaves) usually prevented such disputes from hardening along class lines. Social structure was in fact so fluid-though recent statistics suggest a narrowing of economic opportunity as the latter half of the century progressed-that to talk about social classes at all requires the use of loose economic categories such as rich, poor, and middle class, or eighteenth-century designations like “the better sort”. Despite these vague categories, one should not claim unequivocally that hostility between recognizable classes cannot be legitimately observed. Outside of New York, however, there were very few instances of openly expressed class antagonism.
Having said this, however, one must add that there is much evidence to support the further claim of recent historians that sectional conflicts were common between 1763 and 1789. “The Paxton Boys” incident and the Regulator movement are representative examples of the widespread, and justified, discontent of western settlers against colonial or state governments dominated by eastern interests. Although undertones of class conflict existed beneath such hostility, the opposition was primarily geographical. Sectional conflict-which also existed between North and South-deserves further investigation.
In summary, historians must be careful about the kind of conflict they emphasize in eighteenth-century America. Yet those who stress the achievement of a general consensus among the colonists cannot fully understand that consensus without understanding the conflicts that had to be overcome or repressed in order to reach it.
1. The author suggests which of the following about the representativeness of colonial or state governments in America from 1763 to 1789?
2. According to the passage, which of the following is a true statement about sectional conflicts in America between 1763 and 1789?
3. It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding socioeconomic class and support for the rebel and Loyalist causes during the American Revolutionary War?
4. The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with which of the following statements about the social structure of eighteenth-century American society?
I. It allowed greater economic opportunity than it did social mobility.
II. It permitted greater economic opportunity prior to 1750 than after 1750.
III. It did not contain rigidly defined socioeconomic divisions.
IV. It prevented economic disputes from arising among members of the society.
5. The author most likely refers to “historians such as Beard and Becker” (lines 5-6) in order to____.
问题1选项
A.The governments inadequately represented the interests of people in western regions.
B.The governments more often represented class interests than sectional interests.
C.The governments were less representative than they had been before 1763.
D.The governments were dominated by the interests of people of an upper socioeconomic class.
E.The governments of the northern colonies were less representative than were the governments of the southern colonies.
问题2选项
A.These conflicts were instigated by eastern interests against western settlers.
B.These conflicts were the most serious kind of conflict in America.
C.These conflicts eventually led to openly expressed class antagonism.
D.These conflicts contained an element of class hostility.
E.These conflicts were motivated by class conflicts.
问题3选项
A.Identifying a person’s socioeconomic class is the least accurate method of ascertaining which side that person supported.
B.Identifying a person as a member of the rebel or of the Loyalist side does not necessarily reveal that person's particular socioeconomic class.
C.Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although there were fewer disputes among socioeconomic classes on the Loyalist side.
D.Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although the Loyalist side was made up primarily of members of the upper classes.
E.Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although many upper-class rebels eventually joined the Loyalists.
问题4选项
A.I and IV only
B.II and III only
C.III and IV only
D.I, II, and III only
E.I, II, III, and IV
问题5选项
A.isolate the two historians whose work is most representative of the viewpoints of Progressive historians
B.emphasize the need to find connections between recent historical writing and the work of earlier historians
C.make a case for the importance of the views of the Progressive historians concerning eighteenth-century American life
D.suggest that Progressive historians were the first to discover the particular internal conflicts in eighteenth-century American life mentioned in the passage
E.point out historians whose views of history anticipated some of the views of the recent historians mentioned in the passage
第1题:A
第2题:D
第3题:B
第4题:B
第5题:E
1.【选项释义】
The author suggests which of the following about the representativeness of colonial or state governments in America from 1763 to 1789? 关于1763年至1789年美国殖民政府或州政府的代表性，作者建议下列哪个选项？
A. The governments inadequately represented the interests of people in western regions. A. 政府没有充分代表西部地区人民的利益。
B. The governments more often represented class interests than sectional interests. B. 政府更多地代表阶级利益而不是地方利益。
C. The governments were less representative than they had been before 1763. C. 政府没有1763年以前那么有代表性。
D. The governments were dominated by the interests of people of an upper socioeconomic class. D. 政府被上层社会经济阶级的利益所支配。
E. The governments of the northern colonies were less representative than were the governments of the southern colonies. E. 北方殖民地的政府不如南方殖民地的政府有代表性。
【考查点】事实细节题。
【解题思路】根据题干信息可定位到倒数第二段，该处讲到“1763年至1789年间，派系冲突很常见”，还讲“西方定居者普遍而合理地不满于由东方利益主导的殖民地或州政府”。换言之，政府没有充分地代表西方的利益。比对选项，A选项恰好是此信息的同义转换，因此A选项正确。
【干扰项排除】
B选项“政府更多地代表阶级利益而不是地方利益”，倒数第二段倒数第二句“尽管在这种敌意之下存在着阶级冲突的隐蔽性，但这种对立主要是地区性的”，因此更多地代表地区性利益，B选项属于反向干扰；
C选项“政府没有1763年以前那么有代表性”，文中没有提到，C选项属于无中生有；
D选项“政府被上层社会经济阶级的利益所支配”，文中没有提到，属于无中生有；
E选项“北方殖民地的政府不如南方殖民地的政府有代表性”，文中倒数第二段最后一句提到“区域冲突——也存在于北方和南方之间——值得进一步调查。”并没有直接说明，因此属于无中生有。
2.【选项释义】
According to the passage, which of the following is a true statement about sectional conflicts in America between 1763 and 1789? 根据文章，下列哪项是关于美国1763年至1789年之间地区冲突的真实陈述？
A. These conflicts were instigated by eastern interests against western settlers. A. 这些冲突是由东方利益集团反对西方定居者挑起的。
B. These conflicts were the most serious kind of conflict in America. B. 这些冲突是美国最严重的冲突。
C. These conflicts eventually led to openly expressed class antagonism. C. 这些冲突最终导致了公开表达的阶级对立。
D. These conflicts contained an element of class hostility. D. 这些冲突中含有阶级敌对的成分。
E. These conflicts were motivated by class conflicts. E. 这些冲突是由阶级冲突引起的。
【考查点】事实细节题。
【解题思路】根据题干信息可定位到倒数第二段，该处讲到“尽管在这种敌意之下存在着阶级冲突的隐蔽性，但这种对立主要是地区性的”。换言之，这种冲突含有隐蔽的阶级性。比对选项，D选项恰好是此信息的同义转换，因此D选项正确。
【干扰项排除】
A选项“这些冲突是由东方利益集团反对西方定居者挑起的”，文中倒数第二段说西方定居者不满东方，且并没有说这些冲突是由东方利益集团挑起的。A选项为相反选项，属于无中生有；
B选项“这些冲突是美国最严重的冲突”，并没有说是最严重的冲突。B选项属于过度推断；
C选项“这些冲突最终导致了公开表达的阶级对立”，文中提到“在纽约以外，公开表达阶级对立的例子却很少”，C选项属于反向干扰；
E选项“这些冲突是由阶级冲突引起的”，文中提到东西区域冲突是由不满足利益引起的。所以并不是由阶级冲突引起的。E选项属于无中生有。
3.【选项释义】
It can be inferred from the passage that the author would be most likely to agree with which of the following statements regarding socioeconomic class and support for the rebel and Loyalist causes during the American Revolutionary War? 从文章中可以推断出，作者最可能同意下列哪项关于美国革命战争期间的社会经济阶级和对反叛和保皇党事业的支持的陈述？
A. Identifying a person’s socioeconomic class is the least accurate method of ascertaining which side that person supported. A. 确定一个人的社会经济阶层是确定这个人支持哪一方的最不准确的方法。
B. Identifying a person as a member of the rebel or of the Loyalist side does not necessarily reveal that person's particular socioeconomic class. B. 认定一个人是叛逆者或保皇派的成员并不一定表明这个人的特定社会经济阶层。
C. Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although there were fewer disputes among socioeconomic classes on the Loyalist side. C. 叛军和保皇派都有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管保皇派社会经济阶层之间的争端较少。
D. Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although the Loyalist side was made up primarily of members of the upper classes. D. 叛军和保皇派都有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管保皇派主要由上层阶级的成员组成。
E. Both the rebel and the Loyalist sides contained members of all socioeconomic classes, although many upper-class rebels eventually joined the Loyalists. E. 叛军和保皇党双方都包含了所有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管许多上层叛军最终加入了保皇党。
【考查点】事实细节题。
【解题思路】根据题干信息可定位到第二段，该处讲到“新的证据表明，保皇党像反叛者一样，来自所有社会经济阶层”。换言之，社会经济阶层大幅度参与了两派，两党都有来自社会经济阶层的人。比对选项，B选项恰好是此信息的同义转换，因此B选项正确。
【干扰项排除】
A选项“确定一个人的社会经济阶层是确定这个人支持哪一方的最不准确的方法”，文中只是说社会经济阶层开始在两党之间流动。A选项属于过度推断；
C选项“叛军和保皇派都有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管保皇派社会经济阶层之间的争端较少”，文中没有提到保皇派社会经济阶层之间的争端较少，C选项属于无中生有；
D选项“叛军和保皇派都有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管保皇派主要由上层阶级的成员组成”，文中提到“尽管许多历史学家接受了早期的假设，即保皇党代表上层阶级，但新的证据表明，保皇党像反叛者一样，来自所有社会经济阶层”，该选项无中生有；
E选项“叛军和保皇党双方都包含了所有社会经济阶层的成员，尽管许多上层叛军最终加入了保皇党”，文中没有说到上层叛军加入了保皇党，E选项无中生有。
4. 【选项释义】
The passage suggests that the author would be likely to agree with which of the following statements about the social structure of eighteenth-century American society?
I. It allowed greater economic opportunity than it did social mobility.
II. It permitted greater economic opportunity prior to 1750 than after 1750.
III. It did not contain rigidly defined socioeconomic divisions.
IV. It prevented economic disputes from arising among members of the society. 这篇文章表明，作者可能同意下列关于18世纪美国社会结构的陈述中的哪一种？
1.它带来了更多的经济机会，而不是社会流动性。
2.它使得1750年之前的经济机会比1750年之后更多。
3.它没有包含严格定义的社会经济划分。
4.它防止了社会成员之间发生经济纠纷。
A. I and IV only A. 只有I和IV
B. II and III only B. 仅限II及III
C. III and IV only C. 仅III及IV
D. I, II, and III only D. 只有I, II和III
E. I, II, III, and IV E. I, II, III,和 IV
【考查点】推理判断题。
【解题思路】根据文章内容可知在18世纪美国社会结构中，两党中都有社会经济阶层。这有利于经济发展，叛军和保皇党双方都包含了所有社会经济阶层的成员，没有严格的社会经济划分。因此II和III正确。选B。
【干扰项排除】
I中，不仅带来更多的社会发展机会，而且促进了社会流动性。因为文中说到社会结构事实上是如此具有流动性（Social structure was in fact so fluid-though recent statistics）。所以I错误。
IV中，防止社会成员之间发生经济纠纷，两党之间都有不同的社会经济阶层成员，不可能没有经济纠纷。所以IV错误。
5.【选项释义】
The author most likely refers to “historians such as Beard and Becker” (Paragraph.1) in order to ____. 作者提到“像比尔德和贝克这样的历史学家”（第一段）最有可能是为了____。
A. isolate the two historians whose work is most representative of the viewpoints of Progressive historians A. 将这两位历史学家分离出来，这两位历史学家的作品最能代表进步历史学家的观点
B. emphasize the need to find connections between recent historical writing and the work of earlier historians B. 强调在近期的历史著作和早期历史学家的著作之间找到联系的必要性
C. make a case for the importance of the views of the Progressive historians concerning eighteenth-century American life C. 说明进步派历史学家关于18世纪美国生活的观点的重要性
D. suggest that Progressive historians were the first to discover the particular internal conflicts in eighteenth-century American life mentioned in the passage D. 认为进步派历史学家是第一个发现文章中提到的18世纪美国生活中特殊的内部冲突的人
E. point out historians whose views of history anticipated some of the views of the recent historians mentioned in the passage E. 指出一些历史学家，他们的历史观点优于文章中提到的一些近期历史学家的观点
【考查点】推理判断题。
【解题思路】根据出处提示词Paragraph 1题干信息可定位到第一段， 根据第一段最后一句话和第二段第一句话可知作者认为“最强调的冲突是阶级冲突”。结合第二段的内容，作者提到“尽管这些历史学家中的许多人接受了早期的假设，即效忠者代表上层阶级，但新的证据表明，效忠者和叛军一样，来自所有社会经济阶层。尽管如此，加入忠诚者的富人比例可能比加入叛军的富人比例更高。从叛军方面看，我们发现几乎没有证据表明下层叛军与上层叛军发生冲突。”以及“事实上，反对英国的战争倾向于压制阶级冲突”可知作者认为殖民者和被殖民者之间的冲突优于阶级冲突。所以可知作者更支持第一段第一句话这些历史学家的观点“最近一些历史学家认为，从1763年到1789年，在美国的英国殖民地生活的特点是殖民者之间的内部冲突”，引用了Beard和Becker等历史学家的观点是为了表明认为殖民者冲突的历史学家的观点比文章中提到的近期历史学家Beard和Becker等历史学家的观点更有先见之明。比对选项，E选项恰好是此信息的同义转换，因此E选项正确。
【干扰项排除】
A选项“将这两位历史学家分离出来，这两位历史学家的作品最能代表进步历史学家的观点”，A选项属于无中生有；
B选项“强调在近期的历史著作和早期历史学家的著作之间找到联系的必要性”，文中没有提到历史著作，B选项属于无中生有；
C选项“说明进步派历史学家关于18世纪美国生活的观点的重要性”，文中没有提到它的重要性。C选项属于无中生有；
D选项“认为进步派历史学家是第一个发现文章中提到的18世纪美国生活中特殊的内部冲突的人”，文中没有提及，D选项无中生有。
