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In August of 2001, Mitch Prinstein, a psychology professor who had just been hired at Yale University, offered his first class at the school: a course he had developed about popularity among children and adolescents. By the time the enrollment for the course was official, 550 students—a tenth of the school’s undergraduate population—had signed up to learn about that thing that is, variously, an aspiration and a scourge and a mystery: popularity. The course was popular among undergrads because they had seen popularity affecting people’s ability to find success and fulfilling friendships.
There is more than one way to be popular. Prinstein, now a professor at the University of North Carolina, breaks down his own treatment of popularity across two broad dimensions: status—the kind of popularity we tend to associate with high school, the stuff of being known and admired though not necessarily liked—and interpersonal likability. Likability is related to charm, to friendliness, to inquisitiveness—it’s the charisma that draws other people to you, largely independent of status or beauty or any of the other metrics that generally give people rank in American culture.
But then there is status: the kind of popularity that operates according to hierarchies. The kind that confers admiration but not necessarily true esteem. The kind most commonly associated with high school. Status, too, Prinstein argues, can affect people's brains and their bodies overall—in adolescence, and far beyond.
What happens in the teenage years, Prinstein suggests, is a kind of perfect storm, neurologically speaking: At the start of puberty, the brain grows more dramatically than at any other point in one’s life. Myelin, the fatty substance that coats the neurons and allows the brain to function efficiently, increases, affording a burst of neural activity. Those shifts, along with others, aid the brain’s adolescent transition from childish ways of thought (impulsive, relatively un-self-conscious) to adulthood’s more logical, ruminative, and other-oriented modes.
The result: Newfound brain capacity collides with newfound self-consciousness. The adolescent brain is primed both to take in the world around it more than ever before, and to process that information with more self-awareness than ever before. Which is another way of saying that teenagers are particularly cognizant of identity—and another way, too, of explaining why, as Jennifer Senior put it in New York Magazine, “most American high schools are almost sadistically unhealthy places to send adolescents.” It’s a powder keg, emotionally, and popularity—or, more specifically, teens conception of popularity—is a fuse.

48. What can be learned from Paragraph 1?
49. Professor Prinstein’s study of popularity shows that ( ).
50. The bold-faced word “charisma” in Paragraph 2 means ( ).
51. Status differs from interpersonal likability in that status ( ).
52. Growth of the brain during adolescence makes teenagers ( ).
53. According to the last paragraph, American high schools are unhealthy places because ( ).

问题1选项
A.Prinstein thought about teaching popularity while he was a university student.
B.Prinstein used examples from his life to teach his popularity class.
C.Popularity carries different meanings.
D.Yale was the first university to offer a popularity class.
问题2选项
A.status and likability are two means to be popular
B.adolescents should pursue status and likability
C.status is independent of likability
D.one must be likable to be popular
问题3选项
A.appeal
B.diligence
C.peculiarity
D.generosity
问题4选项
A.draws public attention but does not win respect
B.influences one’s rank
C.is limited largely to the teenager period
D.promotes adolescents’ friendliness
问题5选项
A.more aware of who they are
B.more capable of dealing with conflicts
C.more willing to accept new knowledge
D.more likely to succeed in study
问题6选项
A.adolescents are too concerned about how good looking they are
B.adolescents are too preoccupied with what they feel they are
C.they cannot protect adolescents from dangers
D.they refuse adolescents from low-income families
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